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Vietnam

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Che Guevara

Vietnam must not stand alone

Now is the time of the furnaces, and only light should be seen.
JOSÉ MARTI

Twenty one years have already passed since the end of the last world conflagration; numerous publications, in every possible language, celebrate this event, symbolized by the defeat of Japan. There is a climate of apparent optimism in many areas of the different camps into which the world is divided. Twenty one years without a world war, in these times of maximum confrontations, of violent clashes and sudden changes, appears to be a very high figure. However, without analysing the practical results of this peace (poverty, degradation, increasingly large exploitation of enormous sectors of humanity) for which all of us have stated that we are willing to fight, we would do well to inquire if this peace is real. 79

It is not the purpose of these notes to detail the different conflicts of a local character that have been occurring since the surrender of Japan, neither do we intend to recount the numerous and increasing instances of civilian strife which have taken place during these years of apparent peace. It will be enough just to name, as an example against undue optimism, the wars of Korea and Vietnam.
In the first one, after years of savage warfare, the Northern part of the country was submerged in the most terrible devastation known in the annals of modern warfare: riddled with bombs; without factories, schools or hospitals; with absolutely no shelter for ten million inhabitants.
Under the discredited flag of the United Nations, dozens of countries under the military leadership of the United States participated in this war with the massive intervention of US soldiers and the use, as cannon fodder, of the South Korean population that was enrolled. On the other side, the army and the people of Korea and the volunteers from the Peoples’ Republic of China were furnished with supplies and advice by the Soviet military apparatus. The US tested all sorts of weapons of destruction, excluding the thermonuclear type, but including, on a limited scale, bacteriological and chemical warfare.
In Vietnam, the patriotic forces of that country have carried on an almost uninterrupted war against three imperialist powers: Japan, whose might suffered an almost total collapse after the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki; France, who recovered from that defeated country its
Indo-China colonies and ignored the promises it had made in harder times; and the United States, in this last phase of the struggle.
There were limited confrontations in every continent although in our
America, for a long time, there were only incipient liberation struggles and military coups d’etat until the Cuban revolution sounded the alert, signalling the importance of this region. This action attracted the wrath of the imperialists and Cuba was finally obliged to defend its coasts, first in Playa Girón, and again during the Missile Crisis.
This last incident could have unleashed a war of incalculable proportions if a US—Soviet clash had occurred over the Cuban question.
The focal point

But, evidently, the focal point of all contradictions is at present the territory of the peninsula of Indo-China and the adjacent areas. Laos and Vietnam are torn by a civil war which has ceased being such by the entry into the conflict of US imperialism with all its might, thus transforming the whole zone into a dangerous detonator ready at any moment to explode.
In Vietnam the confrontation has assumed extremely acute characteristics. It is not our intention, either, to chronicle this war. We shall simply recall and point out some milestones.
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In 1954, after the annihilating defeat of Dien-Bien-Phu, an agreement was signed at Geneva dividing the country into two separate zones; elections were to be held within a term of 18 months to determine who should govern Vietnam and how the country should be reunified. The
US did not sign this document and started manoeuvring to substitute the emperor, Bao-Dai, who was a French puppet, for a man more amenable to its purposes. This happened to be Ngo-Din-Diem, whose tragic end—that of an orange squeezed dry by imperialism—is well known by all.
During the months following the agreement, optimism reigned supreme in the camp of the popular forces. The last pockets of the antiFrench resistance were dismantled in the South of the country—and they awaited the fulfilment of the Geneva agreements. But the patriots soon realized there would be no election—unless the United States felt itself capable of imposing its will in the polls, which was practically impossible even resorting to all its fraudulent methods. Once again fighting broke out in the South and gradually grew to dreadful intensity. At present the US army has increased to over half a million invaders while the puppet forces decrease in number and, above all, have totally lost their combativeness.
Almost two years ago the United States started systematically bombing the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, in yet another attempt to overcome the belligerence of the South and impose, from a position of strength, a meeting at the conference table. At first, the bombardments were more or less isolated occurrences, allegedly reprisals for alleged provocations from the North. Later on, as they increased in intensity and regularity, they became one gigantic attack carried out by the air force of the United States, day after day, for the purpose of destroying all vestiges of civilization in the Northern zone of the country. This is an episode of the infamous and notorious ‘escalation’.
The material aspirations of the Yankee world have been fulfilled to a great extent, regardless of the unflinching defence of the Vietnamese anti-aircraft artillery, of the numerous planes shot down (over 1,700) and of the socialist countries aid in war supplies.
Vietnam

There is a sad reality: Vietnam—a nation representing the aspirations, the hopes of a whole world of forgotten peoples—is tragically alone.
This nation must endure the furious attacks of US technology, with practically no possibility of reprisals in the South and only some of defence in the North—but always alone.
The solidarity of all progressive forces of the world towards the people of Vietnam today is similar to the bitter irony of the plebeians coaxing on the gladiators in the Roman arena. It is not a matter of wishing success to the victim of aggression, but of sharing his fate; one must accompany him to his death or to victory.
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When we analyse the lonely situation of the Vietnamese people, we are overcome by anguish at this illogical moment of humanity. imperialism is guilty of aggression—its crimes are enormous and cover the whole world. We already know all that, gentlemen! But this guilt also applies to those who, when the time came for a definition, hesitated to make Vietnam an inviolable part of the socialist world; running, of course, the risks of a war on a global scale—but also forcing a decision upon imperialism. The guilt also applies to those who maintain a war of sneers and abuse—started quite some time ago by the representatives of the two greatest powers of the socialist camp.

US

We must ask ourselves, seeking an honest answer: Is Vietnam isolated, or is it not? Is it not maintaining a dangerous equilibrium between the two quarrelling powers?
And what great people these are! What stoicism and courage! And what a lesson for the world is contained in this struggle! Not for a long time shall we be able to know if President Johnson ever seriously thought of bringing about some of the reforms needed by his people— to iron out the barbed class contradictions that grow each day with explosive power. The truth is that the improvements announced under the pompous title of the ‘Great Society’ have dropped into the cesspool of Vietnam.
The largest of all imperialist powers feels in its own land the bleeding inflicted by a poor and under-developed country; its fabulous economy feels the strain of the war effort. Murder is ceasing to be the most convenient business for its monopolies. Defensive weapons, and never in adequate number, is all these extraordinary soldiers have—besides love for their homeland, their society, and unsurpassed courage. But imperialism is bogging down in Vietnam, is unable to find a way out and desperately seeks one that will overcome with dignity the dangerous situation in which it now finds itself. Furthermore, the Four Points put forward by the North and the Five Points of the South now corner imperialism, making the confrontation even more decisive.
Everything indicates that peace, this unstable peace which bears that name for the sole reason that no worldwide conflagration has taken place is again in danger of being destroyed by some irrevocable and unacceptable step taken by the United States.
What role shall we, the exploited people of the world, play? The peoples of the three continents focus their attention on Vietnam and learn their lesson. Since imperialists blackmail humanity by threatening it with war, the wise reaction is not to fear war. The general tactics of the people should be to launch a constant and a firm attack in all fronts where the confrontation is taking place.
In those places where this meagre peace we have has been violated, what is our duty? To liberate ourselves at any price.
The world panorama is of great complexity. The struggle for liberation
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has not yet been undertaken by some countries of ancient Europe, sufficiently developed to realize the contradictions of capitalism, but weak to such a degree that they are unable either to follow imperialism or even to start on their own road. Their contradictions will reach an explosive stage during the forthcoming years—but their problems and, consequently, their own solutions are different from those of our dependent and economically under-developed countries.
The three under-developed continents

The fundamental terrain of imperialist exploitation comprises the three under-developed continents: America, Asia and Africa. Every country has also its own characteristics, but each continent, as a whole, also presents a certain unity.
Our America is integrated by a group of more or less homogeneous countries and in most parts of its territory US monopolist capital maintain an absolute supremacy. Puppet governments or, in the best of cases, weak and fearful local rulers, are incapable of contradicting orders from their Yankee master. The United States has nearly reached the climax of its political and economic domination; it could hardly advance much more; any change in the situation could bring about a setback. Their policy is to maintain that which has already been conquered. Their line of action, at the present time, is limited to the brutal use of force with the purpose of thwarting the liberation movements, no matter of what type they might happen to be.
The slogan ‘we will not allow another Cuba’ hides the possibility of perpetrating aggressions without fear of reprisal, such as the one carried out against the Dominican Republic or before that the massacre in Panama—and the clear warning that Yankee troops are ready to intervene anywhere in America where the ruling régime may be altered to endanger their interests. This policy enjoys an almost absolute impunity: the OAS is a suitable mask, in spite of its unpopularity; the inefficiency of the UN is ridiculous as well as tragic; the armies of all
American countries are ready to intervene in order to smash their peoples. The International of Crime and Treason has in fact been organized. On the other hand, the local bourgeoisies have lost all their capacity to oppose imperialism—if they ever had it—and they have become the last card in the pack. There are no other alternatives; either a socialist revolution or a make-believe revolution.
Asia

Asia is a continent with many different characteristics. The struggle for liberation waged against a series of European colonial powers resulted in the establishment of more or less progressive governments, whose ulterior evolution has brought about, in some cases, the deepening of the primary objectives of national liberation and in others, a setback towards the adoption of pro-imperialist positions.
From the economic point of view, the United States had very little to lose and much to gain from Asia. These changes benefited its interests;
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the struggle for the overthrow of other neo-colonial powers and the penetration of new spheres of action in the economic field is carried out sometimes directly, occasionally through Japan.
But there are special political conditions, particularly in Indo-China, which create in Asia certain characteristics of capital importance and play a decisive role in the entire US military strategy.
The imperialists encircle China through South Korea, Japan, Taiwan,
South Vietnam and Thailand at least.
This dual situation: a strategic interest as important as the military encirclement of to the Peoples’ Republic of China and the penetration of these great markets—which they do not dominate yet—turns Asia into one of the most explosive areas of the world today, in spite of its apparent stability outside of the Vietnamese war zone.
The Middle East, though it geographically belongs to this continent, has its own contradictions and is actively in ferment; it is impossible to foretell how far the cold war between Israel, backed by the imperialists, and the progressive countries of that zone will go. This is just another one of the volcanoes threatening eruption in the world today.
Africa

Africa offers an almost virgin territory to the neo-colonial invasion.
There have been changes which, to some extent, forced neo-colonial powers to give up their former absolute prerogatives. But when these changes are carried out gradually, colonialism continues in the form of neo-colonialism with similar effects as far as the economic situation is concerned.
The United States had no colonies in this region but is now struggling to penetrate its partners’ fiefs. It can be said that following the strategic plans of US imperialism, Africa constitutes its long range reservoir; its present investments, though, are only important in the Union of
South Africa and its penetration is beginning to be felt in the Congo,
Nigeria and other countries where a violent rivalry with other imperialist powers is starting to take place (in a pacific manner up to the present time).
So far the United States does not have great interests to defend there, beyond its pretended right to intervene in every spot of the world where its monopolies detect huge profits or the existence of large reserves of raw materials.
All this past history justifies our concern regarding the possibilities of liberating the peoples within a long or a short period of time.
If we stop to analyse Africa we shall observe that in the Portuguese colonies of Guinea, Mozambique and Angola the struggle is waged with relative intensity, with a concrete success in Guinea and with variable results in the other two. We still witness in the Congo the dispute be84

tween Lumumba’s successors and the old accomplices of Tshombe, a dispute which at the present time seems to favour the latter: those who have ‘pacified’ a large area of the country for their own benefit— though the war is still latent.
In Rhodesia we have a different problem: British imperialism used every means within its reach to place power in the hands of the white minority, who, at the present time, unlawfully maintains it. The conflict, from the British point of view, is absolutely unofficial; this Western power, with some diplomatic adroitness—also called hypocrisy in the strict sense of the word—presents a façade of displeasure before the measures adopted by the government of Ian Smith. Its crafty attitude is supported by some Commonwealth countries that follow it, but is attacked by a large group of countries belonging to Black Africa. It depends whether or not they are servile economic boot-boys of British imperialism. Should the insurrectionary efforts of the nationalists succeed and this movement receive the effective support of neighbouring African nations, the situation in Rhodesia may become extremely explosive.
But for the moment all these problems are being discussed in innocuous organizations such as the UN, the Commonwealth and the
OAU.
The social and political evolution of Africa does not lead us to expect a continental revolution. The liberation struggle against the Portuguese should end victoriously, but Portugal means little in the imperialist field. The confrontations of revolutionary importance are those which challenge the whole imperialist apparatus; but this does not mean that we should stop fighting for the liberation of the three Portuguese colonies and for the deepening of their revolutions.
When the black masses of South Africa or Rhodesia start their authentic revolutionary struggle, a new era will dawn in Africa. This is so whenever the impoverished masses of a nation rise up to rescue their right to a decent life from the hands of the ruling oligarchies.
Up to now, army putsches follow one another, a group of officers succeeds another or substitutes a ruler who no longer serves their caste interests or those of the powers who covertly manage him—but there are no great popular upheavals. In the Congo these characteristics appeared briefly, inspired by the memory of Lumumba, but they have been losing strength in the last few months.
In Asia, as we have seen, the situation is explosive. The points of friction are not only Vietnam and Laos, where there is fighting; such a point is also Cambodia, where at any time a direct US aggression may start, Thailand, Malaya, and, of course, Indonesia, where we can not assume that the last word has been said, regardless of the annihilation of the Communist Party in that country when the reactionaries took over.
And also, naturally, the Middle East.
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Latin America

In Latin America the armed struggle is going on in Guatemala,
Colombia, Venezuela and Bolivia; the first uprisings are cropping up in
Brazil. There are also some focuses of resistance which appear and are then extinguished. But almost all the countries of this continent are ripe for a type of struggle that, in order to achieve victory, can not be content with anything less than establishing a government of a socialist character. In this continent practically only one tongue is spoken: the exception is
Brazil, but anyone who speaks Spanish can easily make himself understood there since the two languages are virtually the same. There is also such a great similarity between the classes in these countries, that they have attained identification among themselves of an international americano type, much more complete than in the other continents. Language, habits, religion, a common foreign master, unite them. The degree and the form of exploitation are similar for both the exploiters and the men they exploit in the majority of the countries of this continent. And rebellion is ripening swiftly in it.
We may ask ourselves: how shall this rebellion flourish? What type will it be? We have maintained for quite some time now that, owing to the similarity of their characteristics, the struggle in our America will achieve, in due course, continental proportions. It shall be the scene of many great battles fought for the liberation of humanity.
Within the frame of this struggle of continental scale, the battles which are now taking place are only episodes—but they have already furnished their martyrs, they will figure in the history of our America as having given their necessary blood in this last stage of the fight for the total freedom of man. These names will include Comandante Turcios
Lima, padre Camilo Torres, Comandante Fabricio Ojeda, Comandantes Lobatón and Luis de la Puente Uceda, all outstanding figures in the revolutionary movements of Guatemala, Colombia, Venezuela and Peru.
But the active movement of the people creates its new leaders; César
Montes and Yon Sosa raise up their flag in Guatemala; Fabio Vázquez and Marulanda in Colombia; Douglas Bravo in the Western part of the country and Américo Martïn in El Bachiller, both directing their respective Venezuelan fronts.
New uprisings will take place in these and other countries of Latin
America, as it has already happened in Bolivia, and they will continue to grow in the midst of all the hardships inherent in the dangerous profession of being modern revolutionaries. Many will perish, victims of their errors; other will fall in the hard battle that approaches; new fighters and new leaders will appear in the heart of the revolutionary struggle. The people will create their own fighters and leaders as the war itself—and Yankee agents of repression shall increase. Today there are US military missions in all the countries where armed struggle is growing; the Peruvian army apparently carried out a successful action against the revolutionaries in that country, an army also trained and
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advised by the Yankees. But if the focuses of war grow with sufficient political and military insight, they will become practically invincible and will force the Yankee to send reinforcements. In Peru itself many new figures, practically unknown, are now reorganizing the guerrilla.
Little by little, obsolete weapons, which are sufficient for the repression of small armed bands, will be exchanged for modern armaments and the US military aid missions will be replaced by actual fighters until, at a given moment, they are forced to send increasingly greater numbers of regular troops to ensure the relative stability of a government whose national puppet army is disintegrating before the impetuous attacks of the guerrillas. This is the Vietnamese road; it is a road that should be followed; it is the road that will be followed in our America, with the advantage that the armed groups could create Co-ordinating Councils to embarrass the repressive forces of Yankee imperialism and accelerate the revolutionary triumph.
America, a forgotten continent in the last liberation struggles, is now beginning to make itself heard through the Tricontinental Solidarity
Organization and, in the voice of the vanguard of its peoples, the Cuban
Revolution, will today have a task of much greater relevance: to create a second or a third Vietnam, or the second and third Vietnam of the world.
We must bear in mind that imperialism is a world system, the last stage of capitalism—and it must be defeated in a world confrontation. The strategic end of this struggle should be the destruction of imperialism.
Our share, the responsibility of the exploited and under-developed of the world is to eliminate the foundations of imperialism: our oppressed nations, from which they extract capital, raw materials, technicians and cheap labour, and to which they export new capital—instruments of domination—arms and all kinds of articles; thus submerging us in an absolute dependence.
The fundamental element of this strategic goal will be the real liberation of all people, a liberation that will be brought about through armed struggle in most cases and which shall be, in our America, almost inevitably, a Socialist Revolution.
The Enemy

When envisaging the destruction of imperialism, it is necessary to identify its centre of command—none other than the United States.
We must carry out a general task with the tactical purpose of getting the enemy out of its natural environment, forcing him to fight in regions where his own life and habits will clash with the existing reality.
We must not under-rate our adversary; the US soldier has technical capacity and is backed by weapons and resources of a magnitude that renders him frightful. He lacks the essential ideological motivation which his bitterest enemies of today—the Vietnamese soldiers—have in the highest degree. We will only be able to overcome this army by undermining its morale—and this is accomplished by defeating it and causing it repeated suffering.
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But this strategy for victory will require immense sacrifices from the people, sacrifices that should be demanded from today, in plain daylight, and which perhaps may be less painful than those we would have to endure if we constantly avoided battle in an attempt to have our chestnuts out of the fire.
It is probable, of course, that the last liberated country will accomplish this without an armed struggle and the sufferings of a long and cruel war against the imperialists—this they might avoid. But perhaps it will be impossible to avoid this struggle or its effects in a global conflagration; the suffering would be the same, or perhaps even greater.
We cannot foresee the future, but we should never give in to the defeatist temptation of being the vanguard of a nation which yearns for freedom, but abhors the struggle it entails and awaits its liberation as a crumb of victory.
No Illusions

It is absolutely just to avoid all useless sacrifices. Therefore, it is important to establish the genuine possibilities that dependent America may have of liberating itself through peaceful means. For us, the solution to this question is quite clear: the present moment may or may not be the proper one for starting the struggle, but we cannot harbour any illusions, and we have no right to do so, that freedom can be obtained without fighting. And these battles will no be mere street fights with stones against tear-gas bombs, or of peaceful general strikes; neither will it be the battle of a furious people tearing down in two or three days the lowering gibbets of the ruling oligarchies; the struggle will be long and harsh, and its front will be in the guerrilla’s refuge, in the cities, in the homes of the fighters—where the repressive forces will go seeking easy victims among their families—in the massacred rural population, in the villages or cities destroyed by the bombardments of the enemy.
They are pushing us into this struggle; there is no alternative: we must prepare for it and we must decide to carry it through.
The beginnings will not be easy; they will be extremely difficult. All the oligarchies’ powers of repression, all their capacity for brutality and demagogy will be placed at the service of their cause. Our mission, in the first hour, will be to survive; later, we will follow the perennial example of the guerrilla, carrying out armed propaganda (in the Vietnamese sense, that is, the bullets of propaganda, of the battles won or lost—but fought—against the enemy). The great lesson of the invincibility of the guerrillas taking root in the dispossessed masses. The galvanizing of the national spirit, the preparation for harder tasks, for resisting even more violent repression. Hatred as an element of the struggle; a relentless hatred of the enemy, impelling us over and beyond the natural limitations that man is heir to and transforming him into an effective, violent and selective instrument of war. Our soldiers must be thus; a people without hatred can not vanquish a brutal enemy. 88

We must wage the war in every corner the enemy happens to carry it: to his home, to his centres of entertainment; a total war. It is necessary to prevent him from having a moment of peace, a quiet moment outside his barracks or even inside; we must attack him wherever he may be; make him feel like a cornered beast wherever he may move. Then his moral fibre will begin to decline. He will even become more degenerate and the signs of decadence will begin to appear.
Internationalism and Solidarity

And let us develop a true proletarian internationalism; with international proletarian armies; the flag under which we fight would be the sacred cause of redeeming humanity. To die under the flag of Vietnam, of Venezuela, of Guatemala, of Laos, of Guinea, of Colombia, of
Bolivia, of Brazil—to name only a few scenes of today’s armed struggle
—would be equally glorious and desirable for an American, as Asian, an African, even a European.
Each spilt drop of blood, in any country under whose flag one has not been born, is an experience passed on to those who survive, to be added later to the liberation struggle of his own country. And each nation liberated is a phase won in the battle for the liberation of one’s own country.
The time has come to settle our differences and place everything at the service of our struggle.
The Real Enemy

We all know great controversies rend the world now fighting for freedom; no one can hide it. We also know that they have reached such intensity and such bitterness that dialogue and reconciliation seem extremely difficult, if not impossible. It is a useless task to search for ways and means to initiate a dialogue which the hostile parties avoid.
However, the real enemy is here; it strikes every day, and threatens us with new blows and these blows will unite us, today, tomorrow, or the day after. Whoever understands this first, and prepares for this necessary union, will have the people’s gratitude.
Owing to the virulence and the intransigence with which each cause is defended, we, the dispossessed, cannot take sides for one form or the other of these differences, even though sometimes we agree with the contentions of one party or the other, or in a greater measure with those of one part more than with those of the other. In time of war, the expression of current differences constitutes a weakness; but at this stage it is an illusion to attempt to settle them by words. History will erode them or will give them their true meaning.
In our struggling world every difference regarding tactics, the methods of action for the attainment of limited objectives should be analysed with due respect for the other’s opinions. Regarding our great strategic objective, the total destruction of imperialism by armed struggle, we should be uncompromising.
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Let us sum up our hopes for victory: total destruction of imperialism by eliminating its firmest bulwark: the oppression exercised by the
United States of America. To carry out, as a tactical method, the peoples’ gradual liberation, one by one or in groups: driving the enemy into a difficult fight away from its own territory; dismantling all its bases of sustenance, that is, its dependent territories.
A long war

This means a long war. And, once more we repeat it, a cruel war. Let no one fool himself at the outset and let no one hesitate to start out for fear of the consequences it may bring to his people. It is almost our sole hope for victory. We cannot elude the call of this hour. Vietnam is pointing it out with its endless lesson of heroism, its tragic and everyday lesson of struggle and death for the attainment of final victory.
There, the imperialist soldiers endure the discomforts of those who, used to enjoying the US standard of living, have to live in a hostile land with the insecurity of being unable to move without being aware of walking on enemy territory:—death to those who dare take a step out of their fortified encampment. They have to face the permanent hostility of the entire population. All this has internal repercussions in the United States; it begins the resurgence of a conflict which is minimized in spite of its vigour by all imperialist forces: class struggle even within its own territory.
How soon we could look into a bright future should two, three or many Vietnams flourish throughout the world with their share of deaths and their immense tragedies, their everyday heroism and their repeated blows against imperialism, impelled to disperse its forces under the sudden attack and the increasing hatred of all peoples of the world!
If we were all capable of uniting to make our onslaughts strong and accurate and so increase the effectiveness of all kinds of support given to the struggling people—how great and near would that future be! Everything for the Struggle

If we, in a small corner of the world map, are able to fulfil our duty and place at the disposal of this struggle whatever little of ourselves we are permitted to give—our lives, our sacrifice; if some day we have to breathe our last breath on land already ours, sprinkled with our blood—let it be known that we have measured the scope of our actions and that we only consider ourselves a part of the great army of the proletariat. We are proud of having learned from the Cuban Revolution, and from its highest leader, the great lesson emanating from his attitude in this part of the world: ‘What do the dangers or the sacrifices of a man or of a nation matter, when the destiny of humanity is at stake?’.
Our every action is a battle cry against imperialism, and a battle hymn for the people’s unity against the great enemy of mankind: the United
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States of America. Wherever death may surprise us, let it be welcome, provided that this, our battle cry, may have reached some receptive ear and another hand may be extended to wield our weapons and other men be ready to intone the funeral dirge with the staccato chant of the machineguns and new battle cries of war and victory.
CHE

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...Vietnam has a population of 2,000,000 the population is made up of mainly Vietnamese and Ethnic Chinese. Other minorities include Khmer and Cham descendants that lived in central and southern Vietnam before it was conquered by the Vietnamese. There are a few Tribal groups in Vietnam that make up 7 percent of the population. Their ancestors came from other Asian countries and have settled in in Vietnam. The different ethnic groups get along for the most part, but the Vietnamese have hostility towards the Ethnic Chinese for having dominance in the national economy. 700,000 Vietnamese have entered the United States since 1975. According to the census bureau, 2011, the population for Asians in the United States is estimated at 18.2 million; of that 1.9 million are Vietnamese. States with the largest population of Vietnamese are California, Texas, Florida, Washington, Virginia, New York, and Massachusetts. Together these seven states have 65.7 percent of all Vietnamese born immigrants. California and New York have the largest of the population of Vietnamese; California with 5.8 million and New York with 1.8 million Vietnamese ethnicities. Vietnamese immigrants make up 3 percent of all the immigrants in the United States in 2006 (Census Bureau, 2006). Vietnamese are the fifth largest immigrant group in the United States. Of foreign-born Vietnamese 72.8 percent were naturalized U.S citizens. About two thirds were limited English proficient and 1.4 percent was unauthorized......

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...Exam Vietnam and America 1. Discuss the war under Johnson (1963-68). Why did the Johnson administration expand U.S. military in Vietnam in 1965? How did it do this? Were these actions effective? If not, why were they ineffective? In what ways did the Johnson administration deceive the U.S. Congress and the American people about the reasons for increasing American intervention in Vietnam and the tactics the administration employed to fight the war? Vietnam consumed Johnson’s energy and his presidency. Johnson, who believed in containment and the domino theory, saw Vietnam as a test. His foreign policy advisors, many who remained from the Kennedy administration, shared his views. Johnson had been in Congress when China became Communist, and he vividly recalled the domestic political turmoil that followed as Republicans attacked Democrats for “losing” China. He would not, he said, “be the president who saw Southeast Asia go the way China went.” The war was going poorly in South Vietnam and the political situation in Saigon became uncertain as one unstable government succeeded another. Also, the 1964 Tonkin Gulf crisis was a crucial event in the war’s escalation. Out of frustration, President Johnson, acting on the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, ordered bombings of military targets in North Vietnam. This was known as Operation Rolling Thunder. President Johnson also explained that the reason for being over in Vietnam was to help South Vietnam......

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...Vietnam The Vietnam War or conflict as it was known was complex in its origins and followed France’s failure to suppress nationalist forces in Indochina, better known as Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, as it struggled to restore its colonial dominion after WWII. Led by Ho Chi Minh, a Communist-dominated revolutionary movement, the Viet Minh, waged a political and military struggle for Vietnamese independence that frustrated the efforts of the French and resulted ultimately in their leaving from the territory (Bowman, J. S.). Vietnam The U.S. Army’s first encounters with Ho Chi Minh were brief and generally sympathetic. During World War II, Ho Chi Minh’s anti-Japanese resistance fighters helped to rescue shoot down American pilots and supplied information on Japanese forces in Indochina. United States Army officers stood at Ho Chi Minh’s side in August of 1945 as he celebrated in the brief contentment of proclaiming Vietnam’s independence. Five years later, however, in a worldwide sense overwrought with ideological and military confrontation between Communist and non-Communist powers. Army advisers of the newly formed United States Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG), and Indochina, were assisting France against the Viet Minh. With combat rampant in mainland China and Korea experiencing a recent collapse to the Communists, the war in Indochina now became visible to Americans as......

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...Over 2.5 million Americans served in Vietnam Spring 1964 less then 50% of Americans have heard of Vietnam US political involvement in Vietnam began in 1954 August 2 1964 USS Maddox is attacked by 3 north Vietnamese torpedo boats in the gulf of Tonkin August 4 second attack is reported Seen as an act of war by the north Vietnamese August 5 1964 US planes retaliate and attack north Vietnamese coastline facilities August 7th 1964 Congress passes the Gulf of Tokin resolution authorizing president Johnson to take all steps necessary in Southeast Asia Original primary goal was not to engage the enemy but advise the friendly nation and let them engage the enemy Vietcong are “farmers by day and fighters by night” November 1st 1964 Vietcong made surprise attack on US airbase 4 killed First direct assault against the US in Vietnam February 2nd Vietcong strike a second us Airbase 8 killed 126 wounded Bombing campaign authorized in North Vietnam by president Johnson Strategies to cripple the North Vietnamese war effort by destroying military and industrial targets and crush their will to fight by demonstrating the awesome extent of American power Planes in south Vietnam were venerable to Vietcong attack so troops were sent in for protection Bringing troops in looks like a step to a larger war from American and north Vietnam standpoints March 8th 1965 at 8:15 am 3500 marines land in south Vietnam First time since Korean war battle ready troops are setting foot......

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...Lands 4 wars necessary, therefore that is why we have history and need to understand history. To teach us these very important lessons and to go in the future and where not to go. History makes up the world, the whole world. From foreign countries to ours. It teaches us what we need to know about others and their thoughts. We must know all history so that we can continue forward and continue making history, both good and bad, so that all ancestors and future generations to come will know and understand what is needed in the future to continue history. Visiting Historians in Far Away Lands 5 References Crabtree, D., (2003) - Gutenberg College Great Books. msc.gutenberg.edu/authors/david-crabtree Moss, G. D. (2010). VIETNAM, An American Ordeal (6th ed.) Pearson Education Inc. Upper Saddle River, NJ. The Importance of History - Gutenberg College Great Books. msc.gutenberg.edu/2001/02/the-importance-of-history...

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...Jasmine Wright Prof. Riveland ENG 102-078 March 4, 2015 War Experiences: Vietnam Between the 1950-1980’s, soldiers were busy with fighting for our country. The Vietnam War had a huge impact on America. It began in 1954 and more than 3 million people were killed. In class, we read three pieces of literature related to the conflict, Things They Carried by Tim O’Brien, Dulce et Decorum Est by Wilfred Owen, and Vietnam: The Loss of American Innocence by Terry Leonard. Two of the literatures giving a feel of what it was like to fight a war or even be living during the time of the war and the last one telling the events that took place during the time of the war. No one that wasn’t living during the time of the war does not know exactly what it was like, but can give an opinion on what it might have been like. In Things They Carried and Dulce et Decorum Est, two stories that convey the experience during the war. Things They Carried conveyed the way of life. The author, Tim O’Brien, kept emphasis on the things they carried, which symbolized things that meant the most to them. He did not incorporate the bad, ugly and terror of the war, but gave an idea when he included Ted Lavender’s death. Family and loved one’s that the soldiers left back home meant the world to them. Lieutenant Jimmy Cross was a character that showed how their loved ones were missed. He was in love with a girl back home, Martha, he kept her letters with him everywhere he went. When Lavender was......

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...legislations regarding issues of unemployment to putting a stop to segregation, especially in the south. Kennedy tackled unemployment by providing necessary training programs to advance them in their profession. He brought hope to America when it came to the Space Program, an opportunity for the human race explore beyond the stars. Kennedy also launched the Peace Core program on March 1st, 1961. This new program gave Americans a chance to look beyond their world and into new territory in hopes of providing others with education and western medicine. The Vietnam War was the longest war in American History, lasting over 20 years. This war is also the only war in history where western military was defeated. When thinking back to this time one might associate anti-war rally’s and protests but many fail to remember that this war was supported by most in its early years. In fact only two members of Congress voted against war in Vietnam. The slide I found most interesting was the POW slide. I find it hard to believe that the Vietnamese treated any POW humanely. I could very well be wrong in my assumption but after researching more about the atrocities that occurred between the government and their own people, why would they treat the enemy any better? In the Cold War role play I decided to live the life of an African American who attends a segregated university. While finishing up my spring semester I come to the realization that I am destined for something greater, a chance to show......

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...Humanities Task Vietnam is a country in Southeast Asia and the labour force is cheap in this country, some companies opened factories and hire a lot of factories in Vietnam. For example: Nike is one of the well-known global brand in the world and this company didn’t produce their product by themselves. They employ many Vietnamese to produce their product. This company pay the salary to the factories and this company export the produce to other. The benefit is the Vietnamese factories accept those salary and they should pay the taxes to the government. The government accept those taxes and those taxes can help Vietnam develop, because those taxes can be use for build new school, develop the environment and it can also improve the skill of medical treatment . The other benefit is when some companies open the factories, there would be some advanced technology in those companies so some local companies can imitate those technology. The third benefit is the companies can provide many jobs to Vietnamese who didn’t have job before. ! There were also some negatives to the Vietnam, the factories maybe could not earn the higher salary and the company maybe use the resource in Vietnam. The most negative thing I think is some factories maybe polluted the environment in Vietnam, because produce some product, it also produce some rubbish, so if the factories just throw them in to the river or some area and didn’t clean them, it will be harm the environment.! If some companies...

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...Vietnam War: U.S. Involvement increased to the brink of war with the Tonkin Gulf Incident Questions to ponder… 1. Was the growing conflict in South Vietnam an “armed attack” from the North, as the Administration (Johnson) contended? ANSWER: 2. Was it primarily a civil war, provoked by the brutal policies of the regime of Ngo Dinh Diem, which drove desperate peasants, minority tribesmen, and urban intellectuals into the ranks of the NLF? ANSWER: Yes, it was a civil war between the north and south for control of the country. Both sides were equally as brutal, however, the communists were more brutal when push came to shove. 3. Was the NLF itself a creature of Hanoi? ANSWER: I believe that it was. I think it was a direct creature from the north Vietmin. 4. Was the NLF an independent organization truly representative of the aspirations of the people in South Vietnam? ANSWER: No, it was an organization that represented Ho Chi Minh’s asperations to untie the north and the south under communist rule. 5. Had the United States, or the DRV, broken the Geneva Accords? No, in 1954, The United States responded by hastily putting together a humanitarian mission to assist those wishing to move south. A joint US-French naval task force was assembled near Haiphong harbour, while US personnel and aid workers organised refugee camps, food and medical supplies in South Vietnam. The operation – pointedly titled Passage to Freedom – was a successful,......

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...Kaur Mrs. Dibble CP English / 3rd 5/3/12 Vietnam War Vietnam War primarily fought in South Vietnam between government forces aided by the United States and guerrilla forces aided by North Vietnam. The war began soon after the Geneva Conference conditionally divided (1954) Vietnam at 17° N lat. into the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North Vietnam) and the Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam). It escalated from a Vietnamese civil war into a limited international conflict in which the United States was deeply involved, and did not end, despite peace agreements in 1973, until North Vietnam's successful offensive in 1975 resulted in South Vietnam's collapse and the unification of Vietnam by the North. What was it really like to be a soldier in the Vietnam War? The only real way to know was to be there, but the second-best way to find out is to read the stories of men and women who served in the Vietnam War. “On Monday morning, the 15th of November, he died in my arms of tow bullets wounds in the chest. He said, “Ken I can’t breathe.” There was nothing I could do (Bagby, 637).” The author of “Dear Folks”, Kenneth is describing how his best friend died in his long arms, and he could not do anything to save him. “We were crossing………………………………………………….. During the short span of the Vietnamese war, 2.5 million people died, and millions more displaced. The American people wanted nothing to do with the Vietnam War. Having witnessed the unthinkable acts of......

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...American Foreign Policy Leading to the Vietnam War American involvement in the Vietnam War is one of the most controversial issues in our history. However, the United States foreign policies had been dictating our involvement in Vietnam long before the initial deployment of troops into Vietnam. The fear of communism and developments of the policy of containment and the domino theory set the stage for the eventual escalation of the Vietnam Conflict into a war which would claim the lives of thousands of Americans. United States' involvement in Vietnam began as early as World War II, when American forces of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the precursor of the CIA, parachuted into the mountains in the northern region of Vietnam. Led by Major Allison Thomas, their mission, "Deer," was to rendezvous with and train a small group of Vietnamese soldiers that were fighting Japanese occupation troops, and were rescuing downed pilots, this group of Vietnamese were known as the Vietminh. This group of Vietnamese soldiers would soon be the communist leaders of North Vietnam, however, at the time American forces were not concerned that Ho Chi Minh and Vo Nguyen Giap were communists because America was still allied with the Soviet Union, a communist state, at that point during World War II (Westheider 2). The Vietminh under leadership of Ho Chi Minh and with training from American OSS forces were simultaneously fighting the Japanese, while at the same time gaining more political...

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...Vietnam: risk assessment Sovereign Currency Banking Political Economic Country risk risk sector risk structure risk risk risk June CCC B CCC CCC CCC CCC 2012 Sovereign risk Positive: Although the budget deficit will widen in 2012, rapid nominal economic growth and the recent rise in Vietnam's foreign-exchange reserves will support the fiscal position. Moreover, much of the government's external borrowing has been provided on a concessional basis. Currency risk Stable: In recent months the slowing rate of consumer price inflation has led to an easing of downward pressure on the dong, while the decline in the net foreign asset position of the country's banks has paused. Banking sector risk Stable: The rapid pace of credit expansion in the past few years has raised concerns over the potential for a sharp increase in non-performing loans (NPLs). There are also worries about the accuracy of official data on NPLs. Political risk The Communist Party of Vietnam exerts a tight grip on power, ensuring a high degree of political stability. Rows over land leases are emerging as a cause of popular unrest but are unlikely to threaten the party's hold power. Economic structure risk Lacklustre growth in private consumption will depress imports in 2012, but the trade deficit will expand sharply once domestic demand recovers from 2013. Workers'......

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...Vietnam War By Jennifer Rosenberg The Vietnam War was the prolonged struggle between nationalist forces attempting to unify the country of Vietnam under a communist government and the United States (with the aid of the South Vietnamese) attempting to prevent the spread of communism. Engaged in a war that many viewed as having no way to win, U.S. leaders lost the American public's support for the war. Since the end of the war, the Vietnam War has become a benchmark for what not to do in all future U.S. foreign conflicts. Dates of the Vietnam War: 1959 -- April 30, 1975 Also Known As: American War in Vietnam, Vietnam Conflict, Second Indochina War, War Against the Americans to Save the Nation Overview of the Vietnam War: Ho Chi Minh Comes Home There had been fighting in Vietnam for decades before the Vietnam War began. The Vietnamese had suffered under French colonial rule for nearly six decades when Japan invaded portions of Vietnam in 1940. It was in 1941, when Vietnam had two foreign powers occupying them, that communist Vietnamese revolutionary leader Ho Chi Minh arrived back in Vietnam after spending thirty years traveling the world. Once Ho was back in Vietnam, he established a headquarters in a cave in northern Vietnam and established the Viet Minh, whose goal was to rid Vietnam of the French and Japanese occupiers. Having gained support for their cause in northern Vietnam, the Viet Minh announced the establishment of an independent Vietnam with a new...

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